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Louise
Allison Cort, Curator for Ceramics at the Freer Gallery
of Art and Arthur M. Sackler Gallery at the Smithsonian Institution |
| About the Dorothy
Wilson Perkins Lecture Series |
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Tiger
(Tora) by Isamu Noguchi (1904-1988). Japan, Kita Kamakura,
1952. Unglazed Kasama red stoneware, 25.7 x 37.5 x 13.7
cm (10-1/8 x 14-3/4 x 5-3/8 in.). Signed "no, '52"
on base. San Francisco Museum of Modern Art, Mrs. Leon
Sloss Fund Purchase. |
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Freshwater
jar (Mimitsuki mizusashi) by Kaneshige Toyo (1896-1967).
Japan, Imbe, 1958. Unglazed Bizen stoneware, 20.0 x
21.5 cm (7-7/8 x 8-7/16 in.). The National Museum of
Modern Art, Tokyo. |
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| About the Dorothy
Wilson Perkins Lecture Series |
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Basket-shaped
vase (Kagogata hanaire) by Kitaoji Rosanjin (1883-1959).
Japan, Kita Kamakura, 1951. Shigaraki stoneware with
Oribe glaze, 24.0 x 29.8 x 28.2 cm (9-7/16 x 11-3/4
x 11-1/8 in.) Fukudaya, Tokyo. |
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Jar
with bird-and-flower design (Kacho henko) by Kawai Kanjiro
(1890-1966). Japan, Kyoto, 1952. Stoneware with ash
glaze, white slip, and colored glazes, 41.0 x 30.5 x
14.0 cm (16-1/8 x 12 x 5-1/2 in.). The National Museum
of Modern Art, Kyoto. |
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| About the Dorothy
Wilson Perkins Lecture Series |
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Mountain
Man (Yama no hito [Yama no otoko]) by Tsuji Shindo (1910-1981).
Japan, Kyoto, 1957. Unglazed Shigaraki stoneware, 120.0
x 45.0 x 46.0 cm (47-1/4 x 17-11/16 x 18-1/8 in.). Museum
of Contemporary Art, Tokyo. |
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| Face
(Kao) by Okamoto Taro (1911-1996). Japan, Tokoname,
1952. Tokoname stoneware with white glaze, 100.0 x 100.0
x 60.0 cm (39-3/8 x 39-3/8 x 23-5/8 in.). Private collection. |
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| About the Dorothy
Wilson Perkins Lecture Series |
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Corona
(Kinkanshoku) by Yagi Kazuo (1918-1979). Japan, Kyoto,
1948. Stoneware with white slip, black pigment inlay,
and clear glaze, 48.5 x 17.0 cm (19-1/8 x 6-11/16 in.).
Kyoto Municipal Museum of Art. |
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Mr.
Samsa's Walk (Zamuza-shi no sampo) by Yagi Kazuo (1918-1979).
Japan, Kyoto, 1954. Stoneware with Jokan glaze, 27.5
x 27.0 x 14.0 cm (10-13/16 x 10-5/8 x 5-1/2 in.). Private
collection. |
|
| About the Dorothy
Wilson Perkins Lecture Series |
 |
Buson
(Buson) by Isamu Noguchi (1904-1988). Japan, Kita Kamakura,
1952. Unglazed Karatsu stoneware, 21.0 x 16.5 x 8.6
cm (8-1/4 x 6-1/2 x 3-3/8 in.). Signed "no."
The Isamu Noguchi Foundation, Inc., New York. |
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Work
No. 51: Memory of Clouds (Sakuhin 51, Kumo no kioku)
by Yagi Kazuo (1918-1979). Japan, Kyoto, 1959. Unglazed
Shigaraki stoneware, 50.5 x 33.0 x 23.5 cm (19-7/8 x
13 x 9-1/4 in.). Private collection. |
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| About the Dorothy
Wilson Perkins Lecture Series |
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Wild
Samurai (Nobushi) by Suzuki Osamu (1926-2001). Japan,
Kyoto, 1959. Shigaraki stoneware with white slip, black
pigment, and clear glaze, 63.8 x 28.5 x 18.0 cm (25-1/8
x 11-1/4 x 7-1/16 in.). Kitamura Museum, Kyoto. |
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Tower
B (To B) by Yamada Hikaru (1924-2001). Japan, Kyoto,
1964. Shigaraki stoneware with Oribe glaze, 36.7 x 43.0
x 19.5 cm (14-7/16 x 16-15/16 x 7-11/16 in.). The National
Museum of Modern Art, Kyoto. |
|
| About the Dorothy
Wilson Perkins Lecture Series |
 |
Queen
by Yagi Kazuo (1918-1979). Japan, Kyoto, 1964. Black
pottery; wooden block, 31.5 x 26.0 x 25.4 cm (12-3/8
x 10-1/4 x 10 in.). Stamped with round seal "Yagi"
on back. San Francisco Museum of Modern Art, gift of
Mrs. Ferdinand C. Smith. |
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| About the Dorothy
Wilson Perkins Lecture Series |
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Wilson Perkins Lecture Series |
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Wilson Perkins Lecture Series |
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Crawling Through
Mud: Avant-Garde Ceramics
in Postwar Japan
Louise Allison Cort
Sixth Annual Dorothy Wilson Perkins Lecture
Schein-Joseph International Museum of Ceramic
Art
at Alfred University
October 14, 2003
Introduction
Certain trends in Japanese ceramics since
1945 have become quite familiar to American audiences. Books, exhibitions,
and influential advocates have introduced the "folk craft"
(mingei) potters and the potters named "Living National
Treasures" by the Japanese government for their work in reinventing
and perpetuating modes of historical Japanese ceramics. Both these
essentially conservative tendencies are embodied in Hamada Shoji
(1894-1977), who visited Alfred in the company of his advocate,
Bernard Leach, in 1952. Hamada was a founder of the Folk Craft Movement
and was designated a "Living National Treasure" in 1955.
The goal of this talk is to introduce you to a
quite different development in postwar Japanese ceramicsan
avant-garde movement that has been of profound significance to several
generations of Japanese ceramic artists and their patrons. The leading
figures in this movement were a group of young Kyoto potters who
looked not backto historical models or an ideal of rustic
simplicitybut outward across national traditions and boundaries.
Starting their careers just at the end of World War II, these artists
were determined to connect their work to modes and ideas in international
modernist art. Emerging from a pottery industry steeped in tradition
and associated with categories of utilitarian vessels, they struggled
to redefine their work as potters and to establish clay as a valid
medium for abstract sculpture. In 1948 they formed a group named
Sodeisha, the "Crawling through Mud Association." Their
leader was Yagi Kazuo (1918-1979), who was thirty years old when
Sodeisha was founded. His fellow founding member Yamada Hikaru (1924-2001)
was twenty-four, and Suzuki Osamu (1926-2001) was twenty-two. Forming
groups was a common practice in postwar Japan among artists who
banded together to debate ideas and hold exhibitions, although most
groups were short-lived. These young men never anticipated that
Sodeisha would last for half a century, disbanding only in 1998.
I will introduce the actions of the Sodeisha artists
through eighteen works that you may have a chance to see yourselves
as they appear for the first time in the United States. The works
are a major component of the exhibition Isamu Noguchi and Modern
Japanese Ceramics, on view at the Japan Society Gallery in New
York through 9 January 2004, and at the Japanese American National
Museum, Los Angeles, from 7 February through 30 May. The exhibitions
narrative thread follows the ceramic work that Japanese-American
sculptor Isamu Noguchi made on three occasions in Japan, in 1931,
1950, and 1952. Noguchis work is paired with work by nine
different Japanese artists whom Noguchi knew. Because his connections
within the Japanese art world were wide-ranging, the exhibition
includes the work of "Living National Treasure" potters
Kaneshige Toyo (1896-1967) and Arakawa Toyozo (1894-1985), and their
associate Kitaoji Rosanjin (1883-1959), who was Noguchis host
in 1952; Kawai Kanjiro (1890-1966), who is known in the United States
only for his role in the Folk Craft Movement, but who after the
war responded to the same international trends that inspired the
Sodeisha members; the sculptor Tsuji Shindo (1910-1981) and the
painter Okamoto Taro (1911-1996). All these artists belonged to
Noguchis generation. The Sodeisha artists were a generation
younger, just starting their careers as Noguchis ceramic work
was exhibited in 1950 and 1952, and it was for them that Noguchis
unconventional handling of Japanese clays and glazes held the greatest
excitement and provocation.
I also have another goal in making you aware of
the accomplishments of the Sodeisha artists. Our society tends to
view developments in modern and contemporary art as the prerogative
of Euroamerican culture. We assume that all significant transformations
in the art world "happened first" in the United States
or Europe and, thus, that manifestations of similar impulses elsewhereparticularly
in Asiaare derivative. This unfortunate assumption reflects
our ignorance of developments elsewhere. For example, if I ask you
to think of the "ceramic avant-garde" and associate it
with a time and place, chances are that Peter Voulkos (1924-2002)
and others associated with the Otis Art Institute in Los Angeles
in the late 1950s come to mind. Without question that episode, which
enlarged the domain of American ceramics beyond domestic utilitarian
wares to include abstract sculpture, had a tremendous impact. It
was not, however, the only mid-twentieth century "ceramic avant-garde."
Nor was it the first, since the Japanese movement led by Sodeisha
captured public attention (even international attention) several
years before comparable activities began on the West Coast. [1]
But timing is of little importance, since each society generates
its own context for an avant-garde movement. Instead, it is fascinating
to see that both the Sodeisha artists and the Otis artists were
energized to work with clay in a new manner by a common sourcethe
painting and ceramics of European artists including Pablo Picasso
(1881-1973) and Juan Miró (1893-1983). It is startling that
the two groups appear to have been completely unaware of one another.
Although it is often stated that the "Otis
movement" artists were also inspired by their encounters with
Japanese ceramics, I find it curious to realize that Voulkos and
his colleagues embraced the very lineages of Japanese ceramic orthodoxy
from which the Sodeisha artists fought to free themselves. Voulkos
famously spun the potters wheel for Hamada at the Archie Bray
Foundation in 1952, and he saw the revivalist ceramics of Rosanjin
(who toured the United States in 1954) and Kaneshige (who followed
two years later). The manner in which Rosanjin and Kaneshige manipulated
unglazed clay to recreate sixteenth-century Japanese formswith
roughly contoured shapes and scored and gouged surfacescan
be seen in Voulkos sculpture from the mid-1950s onward, as
in his "tea bowls" and his "ice buckets" derived
from tea-ceremony water jars. The Sodeisha artists vigorously discredited
this mode of work, accusing it of pandering to the emotional responses
of a nostalgic Japanese audience. We can simply observe that what
is overly familiar in one context can be startlingly fresh in another.
Context
The young Sodeisha artists who set out to transform
Japanese definitions of ceramics responded to circumstances and
conventions distinct to Japan. They questioned virtually all the
conventions of ceramic materials, form, decoration, and function
(although they never doubted the emotional power of clay as a material),
and they addressed broader issues of presentation, social hierarchy,
and the political role of art. Before presenting their activities,
I should describe the context in which they found themselves, as
relating both to the traditional Kyoto ceramic world and the circumstances
peculiar to the immediate postwar environment.
The focal point for Sodeisha activities was the
city of Kyoto, seat of the imperial court from the ninth through
the nineteenth century, enduring home to Japanese classical culture,
and center for the production, distribution, and consumption of
luxury goods. Kyoto is the origin of refined artistic practices
including the tea ceremony, flower arranging, and incense connoisseurship,
as perpetuated by professional schools still based there. Kyoto
cuisine is famed for its subtlety of taste and elegance of presentation.
Kyoto natives speak with a strong dialect and use an oblique language
that often means the opposite of what it says. Kyoto is a notoriously
difficult place for outsiders to gain entry, although it is full
of crafts workshops started by interlopers who managed to gain a
foothold. Kyoto communities, whether neighborhoods or professional
cohorts, subject their members to intense scrutiny and discipline.
Nowhere is the Japanese saying "The nail that sticks up gets
pounded down" truer than in Kyoto.
The Kyoto ceramics industry arose in the late sixteenth
century, when merchants began sponsoring workshops for low-temperature
lead-glazed ceramics (which we know now as Raku), based on imported
Chinese technology, and for glazed stoneware introduced by potters
migrating from provincial kilns. Within a few decades the best Kyoto
makers of glazed and enamel-decorated stoneware, such as Ninsei
(active circa 1646-1677) or Kenzan (1663-1743), were known by name
throughout the country. Most Kyoto ceramic products were linked
to artistic and cultural activities closely associated with the
citytea bowls and water jars for the tea ceremony; vases for
ikebana; and tableware for fine restaurants.
The workshops for Kyoto stoneware (and, eventually,
porcelain) clustered on the hills east of the city, in neighborhoods
known as Awata and Gojozaka. At the close of World War II, when
the Sodeisha story begins, ceramic production was still in the hands
of small, family-run factories headed by generations of masters
who inherited their artistic names and staffed by skilled specialists,
who also tended to pass on their skills to their sons. The interwoven
economy and society of the Gojozaka community were dominated by
the fifth and sixth generations of the Kiyomizu Rokubei workshop,
which perpetuated Kyoto-style decoration on stoneware and also made
porcelain with Chinese-style glazes. These powerful menentrepreneurs
as much as artistsstrutted proudly up and down the middle
of the sloping lanes in the potters quarter, while others
kept to the side. A few independent "studio" potters,
including Kawai Kanjiro and Ishiguro Munemaro (1893-1968), also
operated small workshops in this area.
Most Gojozaka potters did not own their own kilns
but rented space in a cooperative kiln. Specialists fired the kilns,
while other businesses supplied firewood, clay bodies, and glaze
materials. Even if many young men of the community began their training
at home, they finished with formal instruction at the city-operated
Ceramics Research Institute or one of several other technical schools.
There they absorbed the essential skills of wheel-throwing and glazing
and studied the models for shape, glaze, and decoration provided
by historical ceramics from China, Korea, and Japan. For Kyoto potters,
definitions of personal accomplishment were framed by four hundred
years of precedent. They made aesthetic advances in the form of
subtle variations on familiar formats (such as the precise shade
of a celadon glaze), and a knowledgeable and demanding audience
judged their efforts.
The three founding members of Sodeisha grew up
in this milieu. All three were sons of potters who had come from
elsewhere, Suzukis father to work as a wheel-throwing specialist
in a prominent workshop and the father of Yamada and Yagi to train.
In addition, they grew up in the shadow of Japanese militarism and
xenophobia. Japans long war against China had begun in 1931,
when they were children. They had experienced the physical and emotional
privations of the long period of strife, and as would-be artists
they had also suffered from government censorship that severed their
contact with the flow of ideas from the Euro-American art world.
They had faced the certainty of military conscription. Fortunately,
Suzuki and Yamada had just finished school when the war ended, on
15 August 1945. Only Yagi had been drafted into the army, and he
was saved by contracting tuberculosis in China and being sent home
to recuperate. But Yagis brief military experience changed
his understanding of his relationship to clay. Previously he had
practiced a European-derived mode of "ceramic sculpture,"
an activity motivated in large part by his desire to distance himself
from his fathers work in the classic Chinese mode. As the
son of a potter, he found himself using clay simply as a matter
of course. He would later explain that he first truly understood
the emotional importance of clay in Japanese culture on the day
he ate from a metal mess kit and noted its difference from a ceramic
rice bowl.
Sodeisha
With the wars end and the collapse of the
ideological system that had led Japan into war, artists (like others)
were full of questions about their personal and professional lives.
A natural outcome was the formation of affinity groups, not only
as a forum for urgent discussion and debate but also as a practical
means of organizing exhibitions by sharing the expense of renting
gallery space. [2] Yagi recalled, in a biographical essay from which
I will quote frequently, that just as "various groups were
springing up like bamboo shoots after the rain, so we young potters
drew together also. We wanted to make something new rather than
embracing any orthodoxy. Moreover, we wanted to create a new life
rather than living according to the old rules for doing things."
[3]
In July 1948, Yagi, Yamada, Suzuki, and two other
Kyoto potters mailed out postcards imprinted with the manifesto
of their new group, Sodeisha. The postcard bore this statement:
The postwar art world needed the expediency of
creating associations in order to escape from personal confusion,
but today, finally, that provisional role appears to have ended.
The birds of dawn taking flight out of the forest of falsehood
now discover their reflections only in the spring of truth. We
are united not to provide a warm bed of dreams, but
to come to terms with our existence in broad daylight.
The manifesto hinted at developments that had already
taken place rapidly in the three years since the wars end.
The new group distanced itself from social and ethical concerns
that had bound together many groups created immediately after the
war, including one called the Young Pottery Makers Collective
(September 1946July 1948), to which the three Sodeisha artists
had belonged. The new group focused on artistic and aesthetic issues,
as its name indicated. Taken from a Chinese connoisseurs term
for a glaze flaw in the Song dynasty glaze called Jun, "Sodeisha"
sounded and looked (written with unusual Chinese characters) at
once exotic, antiquarian, and comical. The manifestos imagery,
borrowed from European Surrealist poetry in which Yagi was well
read, made clear that the young potters sought not comfort from
like-thinking comrades but "the spring of truth"engagement
with difficult questions about themselves and their work. Yagi and
his colleagues pursued a relentless intellectual and technical process
of identifying the rules that bound them to established forms, products,
and procedures, and systematically cutting themselves free.
The issue of models
Even before the founding of Sodeisha, Yagi and
his colleagues made a fundamental choice to distance themselves
from standard Kyoto ceramic forms derived from Japanese historical
models. As Yagi explained, "We resolved never to make tea bowls,
whether for exhibitions or under any other circumstances."
[4] Although we may view the tea ceremony with its large repertory
of ceramic utensils as an enviably supportive market for potters,
Yagi saw it as a prison of rules governing form and design, as well
as personal behavior and relationship to ones patrons. Yagis
early negative contacts with the elitism of the hierarchical tea-ceremony
world had turned him emphatically against it. "Tea bowl"
was a code word for the "forest of falsehood" mentioned
in the Sodeisha manifestofor a formalism within the tea world
that would stifle personal growth and self-discovery.
Instead, the Sodeisha artists turned to other Asian
ceramic modelsfrom China and Koreathat they had encountered
during their training and on visits to museums. Their earliest works,
such as the vase that Yagi showed in 1947 in the first group exhibition
of the Young Pottery Makers Collective, were based on the
shapes of Chinese Cizhou ware. Cizhou ware had been extremely popular
with collectors in Japan throughout the first half of the twentieth
century, and during the 1920s and 1930s many Kyoto potters had worked
in the Cizhou format. For Yagi, however, the choice of a Chinese
Cizhou vase form represented a conscious rejection of standard Japanese
ceramic forms.
The issue of decoration
Cizhou ware also provided a useful format for exploring
the issue of decoration on ceramicsspecifically, the question
of how to introduce decoration that acknowledged the innovative
work of European artists. When Yamada met Yagi for the first time,
in 1946, Yagi showed the younger man book and magazine reproductions
of prints and paintings by Picasso, Paul Klee (18791940),
and others and declared, "Drawing is everything." [5]
It was natural that the Sodeisha artists first addressed the decoration
of their ceramics as the field open to significant change.
Standard Cizhou ware was coated with white slip
and always bore decorationeither painted in iron over the
slip or incised through the slip to the dark bodycoated with
clear glaze. On his 1947 jar, Yagi incised his design, but rather
than replicating the standard Cizhou motifs of conventionalized
peonies or dragons he sketched a continuous composition of five
large sunflowers, rendered as though drawn with blunt pencil.
But Yagi quickly moved beyond this sort of realistic
rendering. As he later wrote,
The work of the Surrealist Max Ernst appealed
to me, and when I returned from my fierce role as a soldier my
feeling had not changed. Later, I felt an even stronger attraction
to the work of Paul Klee as it was introduced in magazines. [6]
I liked Paul Klees thinking line.
I wanted to draw on my jars with that line
. [7]
I tried incising lines on the jar forms that
I somehow raised with my imperfect throwing. My father laughed
at me. No matter what you draw, it comes out Surrealist.
[8]
For rendering crisp lines that conveyed the sharpness
of etchings, Yagi turned to the technique of slip inlay developed
in Korean ceramics from the twelfth century onward. Finely incised
lines were filled with white or black slip, with the excess brushed
away, then coated with clear glaze. Later inlay employed stamps
and used only white slip, often brushed freely over the surface
and not cleaned up.
Just a year after the sunflower vase, Yagi exhibited
another Cizhou-style vase that showed startling advances. The form
was tall and elongated, and the Chinese-style spatial divisions
were only summarily indicated. A thick, smooth coating of white
slip formed the ground for images of four abstracted sunflowers
evenly spaced around the jar. The black lines were not painted,
but incised and inlaid with black slip. Yagis title for the
vase, Corona, was not the usual technical description but
an allusion to the resemblance of the tiny petals surrounding the
seed head to the corona of sunlight that surrounds the moon during
such an eclipse. The choice of title related to his goal for his
work:
Rather than pursuing the kind of beauty that
was to be found in ceramics, I had a very strong feeling of what
I wanted to express. Rather than the ordinary appearance
of ceramics in the mode of Chinese or Korean wares, or the process
of making such wares, I wanted to make concrete through the medium
of ceramics somethingyou can call it romanticwith
the essence of the literary world. [9]
Corona won the Mayors Prize in the
Kyoto-wide exhibition. Yagi defended another work in this same series
to a senior Kyoto potter by claiming boldly that it combined "Chinese
form and Cubist methods in the drawing." [10] For several years
all three Sodeisha artists experimented with unexpected contemporary
decoration on the Cizhou form. Suzukis 1950 vase Rondo
may well reflect his encounter with a photograph of a Jackson Pollock
drip painting.
The issue of form
By 1950 or so, however, the standard Cizhou vase
form itself became problematic. The Sodeisha members recognized
that new modes of decoration could go only so far if the vessel
form was based on a classic Asian ceramic mode. They vowed to cease
making copies of any historical wares. More fundamentally, they
began to question the nature of the conventional vessel forma
container with a single opening centered at the top. They experimented
with making vessel forms with multiple, off-center mouths, but they
also spoke of "closing the mouth of the vessel"eliminating
conventional function altogether. Yagi recalled the encounters with
asymmetrical, non-functional ceramic sculptures by non-Japanese
artists that inspired them:
Determined to be forward looking, we were extremely
susceptible to new movements in the arts. Just at that time ceramics
made by people like Isamu Noguchi and Picasso were introduced
to Japan. For us they were a tremendous shock. We knew China,
Korea, Japan, and what had grown out of those traditions. We realized
that we wanted to develop in Japanese terms something that had
not previously existedto follow our own hearts, without
being guided by the materials or techniques of foreign artists
.
Thus, if we talk about influence, [the foreign artists works]
showed us that we had to liberate ourselvesthat is, free
ourselves from the spell of ceramics, and to do this by our own
hands as potters. [11]
By "the spell of ceramics" Yagi meant
the sensory and emotional appeal of classic Asian forms and glazes.
His 1950 Jar with Two Small Mouths departed both from wheel-thrown
symmetry and from obvious function by mounting a wheel-thrown ovoid
on its side, then attaching two small mouths angled toward one another
in such a way as to preclude any use. The decorationinlaid
black lines accented with spots of primary color reflects
Yagis reverence for Mirós paintings and prints.
Suzuki Osamus 1951 Two-headed Jar positioned two large
openings at either end of a hand-built, horn-shaped body. Yamadas
1953 Jar with Cut Accents altered a wheel-thrown Cizhou-like
bottle form by replacing part of the wall with slab constructs and
setting the mouth off-center, as through creating a three-dimensional
version of a Cubist drawing.
Much of this work bewildered the traditional Kyoto
ceramics world. A Kyoto newspaper article about Yagi in late 1951
remarked, "Yagi Kazuo pulls from his old wheel the sort of
avant-garde works that cause senior potters to avert their eyes."
[12]
The issue of the potters wheel
The Sodeisha artists recognized that conventional
ceramic form was dictated by use of the potters wheelthe
tool they had been trained to revere as essential to the Kyoto potters
craft. They realized they would have to wean themselves from the
wheel and turn to hand-building methods in order to attain new forms.
Such forms became known as objet, borrowing the term used by French
Surrealists for sculptures composed of everyday objects removed
from everyday life. Yagi explained,
Why did we begin making objet? Speaking
from the actuality of making ceramics, no matter how much one
might intend to make something new, if one makes it on the wheel,
it will be round and symmetrical. The maker then asks what sort
of design to put on this shape, then what sort of glaze will go
best with this kind of design
.One cannot escape from the
symmetrical sensitivity produced by the wheel. [13]
We realized we had to create out own alphabet
in terms of how we made our work, and thus we began making objet.
It seemed that this would allow us to develop freely. [14]
It was Yagi who pushed this tendency over the edge
in his landmark work Mr. Samsas Walk (1954). In preparation
for his first solo gallery exhibition in Tokyo in December, 1954,
Yagi made a series of pieces using the potters wheel to make
thrown components that he then reassembled without regard to the
orientation established by the wheela process already begun
in his 1950 Jar with Two Small Mouths. For Mr. Samsas
Walk Yagi laid a circular coil of clay on the wheel and threw
a hollow double-walled cylinder. Separately, he threw numerous small
cylinders, cutting and rejoining them at angles. When he put these
parts together, he imbedded some small tubes within the walls and
attached others to the sides or edges of the walls. Three tubes
became legs, allowing the large ring to stand upright on its side.
This work amounts to a representation of the concept
of a vessel, with the invisible "volume" made visible
in the empty space within the ring and the usual single "mouth"
multiplied and attached in all directions but the expected one,
and three "mouths" even serving as "feet." This
work is small, not even a foot tall; it exists within the space
of a normal vase form. It is refined in its conception and its execution,
as one would expect from the work of a Kyoto-trained artist. Its
origin in wheel-thrown components is critical, for the wheel-thrown
cylinders in differing scales lend both harmony and structural tension.
Responding to the wriggling tubes reaching in all directions, Yagi
named his creation Mr. Samsas Walk after the protagonist
of Franz Kafkas 1915 novel Metamorphosis, about a man
who turns into a cockroach and learns anew how to walk on his multiple
legs. [15] We might call this work the metamorphosis of a vessel.
Mr. Samsas Walk became the iconic work of Japanese
postwar ceramic sculpture.
By coincidence, the production of Mr. Samsas
Walk and other works in the series was documented in photographs
taken for a Tokyo newspaper. The article, discussing upcoming events
in the art world, described Yagi as a "samurai of the avant-garde
ceramic world." A positive review of Yagis Tokyo exhibition
described the works as "clay objet passed through the
fire." Thereafter it became standard to refer to the sculptural
ceramics made by Sodeisha artists as objet or by the ironic
hybrid term "objet ware" (objet-yaki) that
echoed their source in regional ceramic wares.
The issue of glaze
The thin, runny glaze of Mr. Samsas Walk
is not beautiful in the manner expected of Kyoto ceramics. A mere
allusion to the formality of glaze, it allows the vessel form to
show clearly. The white scars left by wads of coarse clay used to
stack the large ring in the kiln were not removed or disguised.
The next step for the Sodeisha artists now focusing on form was
to abandon glaze altogether.
In their adoption of unglazed clay, they were inspired
immediately by Noguchis unglazed ceramic sculptures made in
Rosanjins studio in 1952. Noguchi had simply followed Rosanjins
practice of making table ware or tea utensils in unglazed regional
clays such as Shigaraki or Bizena practice that originated
in the admiration of sixteenth-century tea masters for unglazed
storage jars from the Shigaraki and Bizen kilns.
The Sodeisha artists began using unglazed Shigaraki
clay not primarily because of this historical association, but because
Shigaraki was the main source of clay for Kyoto potters. When fired
in the wood-fired communal kiln, the unglazed clay took on a ruddy
hue. The earliest such Sodeisha works are quite pale, however, because
the young artists could only afford to rent the cool spaces at the
upper rear of the kiln chamber, where good color did not easily
develop.
The unglazed works reveal even more clearly than
the earlier glazed pieces the skillful touch of the Kyoto-trained
artists. Yamadas constructivist piece Work (1958) is
composed of assembled components, producing a complex hollow structure
that changes dramatically from different angles. Yagis 1959
Work No. 51: Memory of Clouds is sensuously smoothed and
textured with a combing tool scraped rhythmically over the gritty
clay. Suzukis 1959 Wild Samurai retains a rough edge
of ruddy-red Shigaraki clay that contrasts with the geometric block-printed
decoration in black on the central panel of white slip.
In the early 1960s, Kyoto ceramics changed fundamentally
when the city government closed down the woodfiring kilns over the
issue of air pollution. Potters were provided with the means to
install gas or electric kilns. When the Sodeisha potters began firing
unglazed works in electric kilns, they learned to apply a thin spray
of iron oxide to make up for the kilns inability to draw color
out of Shigaraki clay. This surface is visible in Yagis 1961
work Monument: Queen Consort, his 1963 Wall, and Suzukis
Clay Figure (1965).
The issue of historical reference
Just once, in 1966, Yagi tried working and firing
in Shigaraki itself, using the giant multi-chamber climbing kiln
of a local factory. His pieces made for that firing are playful
parodies of classic Shigaraki jar and vase forms. In contrast to
the earlier difficulties of firing in Kyoto, these works were placed
in the front of the chamber where they would accumulate wood ash
to form a natural glaze. The most notorious piece happened by accident,
when two molded figurines of Shigarakis trademark garden sculpture,
the folkloric creature called tanuki, fell from a shelf onto
a tubular Yagi work shaped like an ancient Shigaraki drainpipe.
(Writers have often given Yagi credit for creating the ironic juxtaposition.)
Regardless of the public appreciation for in these works, Yagi was
not interested in repeating the experiment, declaring that he did
not trust the temptation to rely on chance in place of thought.
Yagi had already become suspicious of the association
of the "Shigaraki" surfaces of his sculpture with the
tea-ceremony reverence for ancient Shigaraki storage jars. By 1957
he began using a firing process that had virtually no historical
associations whatsoever in Japan (except, perhaps, for roof tiles).
This process involved burnishing the damp clay forms before firing
them to a low temperature in a small updraft kiln. Stuffing moistened
pine needles into the kiln at the end of the firing produced heavy
smoke and coated the porous clay with black soot. This "black
pottery" bore a color integral to the clay surface, and the
blackness gave a powerful density to the form. As represented in
Untitled (1958), Yagi began pairing the black forms with
wooden bases of his own making, effectively contrasting color and
texture. By 1964 he had perfected the techniques and prepared an
entire one-person exhibition of black pottery. Some forms made for
this exhibition were composed from small sheets of wrinkled clay
(Human Figure); others had smooth, sharp-edged shapes (Queen).
Yagi made larger forms as well that year, such as Letter
or the work he considered his black-pottery masterpiece, Moki.
Until Yagis abrupt and premature death at age sixty-one in
1979, he executed his major work in the black pottery format. Many
of the last works were enriched by the addition of slabs of dull
lead or coatings of cinnabar red pigment.
The issue of exhibitions
In addition to a systematic severance from conventional
ceramic decoration, form, and even coloration, the Sodeisha artists
also addressed issues relating to the organization of the art world.
The masters who dominated the pottery world in Kyoto earned prestige
by winning prizes in the ceramics division of the annual government-sponsored
national exhibition or by being invited to make objects for the
imperial household. The annual exhibition had first admitted potters
to a newly-created crafts division in 1926. In the late 1930s, Yagi
had already tried to escape this category by submitting his ceramic
sculpture to the sculpture division, although his father was strongly
opposed. (His submission had been rejected.) For several years after
the war, all three Sodeisha artists successfully submitted work
to the government exhibition. Without question that recognition
was important. As Yagi said, "With this, I could put on the
face of an artist when walking up and down Gojozaka
. Until
then I had not walked in the center of the road but stayed to the
side." [16]
Soon, however, they declared an end to submitting
to such juried exhibitions and vowed that they would exhibit their
work only under circumstances they could control, even though this
made their access to public attention much more difficult. They
began holding their own annual week-long exhibition in Kyoto in
1948, and from 1951 onward they also showed annually in various
locations in Tokyo. In Kyoto, they negotiated within the intricate
politics and hierarchies of Kyoto ceramics; in Tokyo, they came
under the scrutiny of nationally-known critics and collectors. As
the numbers of private commercial galleries gradually increased,
they offered additional venues. Yagi held his first one-person shows
in galleries in both Kyoto and Tokyo in 1954; Yamada and Suzuki
showed together in Tokyo in 1955.
Even earlier, though, work by the Sodeisha members
found an international stage. The first Japanese art exhibition
to be held in France after the war was an exhibition of contemporary
ceramics that opened in Paris in November 1950. Selected by the
Japanese art historian Koyama Fujio (19001976) and the French
scholar René Grousset (18851952), the exhibition included
an extraordinarily wide range of work, from established masters
to the three young Sodeisha artists. The popular exhibition was
sent to Vallauris the following summer, where Pablo Picasso was
among the visitors. In 1951 the Sodeisha artists were among fifteen
ceramic artists selected (again by Koyama) to send work to an exhibition
at the ceramic museum in Faenza, Italy. In addition, in early 1950,
three of Yagis vessels bearing "Cubist decoration"
in black on white were purchased by the wife of the architect Antonin
Raymond and sent to New York, allegedly to be shown in the Museum
of Modern Art. [17] Yagi achieved individual success in the international
spotlight in 1959, when he won a grand prize at the exhibition for
the Second International Congress of Contemporary Ceramics in Ostend,
Belgium, and in 1962, when he received a gold medal for his work
Monument: Queen Consort at the third International Academy
of Ceramics exhibition in Prague.
The issue of the potters identity
In 1956, the sculptor jurying the sculpture division
of the annual Kyoto municipal exhibition invited Yagi to submit
work to that division, but the prominent potter who was judge of
the ceramics category insisted that Yagis work could only
be shown there. In a statement to the press, Yagi defined his distinction
between the two categories:
Sculpture is essentially expression and is unconditional,
whereas for craft there has to be an owner to use the piece or
to look at it. I doubt whether the work I would like to submit
would be recognized as craft, and I myself dont think of
it as craft. [18]
Nonetheless, Yagi often referred to himself, with
ironical humor, as "just a rice-bowl maker (chawanya)."
Even though Sodeisha artists presented abstract sculptural works
in their group shows and solo exhibitions, they did not abandon
utilitarian ware as an everyday mode of production (and income).
They perceived no conflict in following both modes of production
simultaneously. In 1962 (the same year that Yagi won the grand prize
in Prague), Yagi and Yamada collaborated to produce a line of hand-thrown
tableware under the name Mon Kobo (Gate Workshop). All three artists
worked regularly in the domain of industrial design, creating prototypes
to be replicated through molding.
The stance that Yagi and the others adamantly refused
to accept, however, was that of the artists who received government
designations through the so-called "Living National Treasure"
program that began in 1952 and was revised in 1954. The designations
primarily recognized potters who had revived historically-important
Japanese ceramic modes, such as Arakawa Toyozos recreation
of Shino and Black Seto ware or Kaneshige Toyos revival of
Bizen firing methods. Yagi was deeply suspicious of the frame of
mind required to recreate an established mode, feeling that it involved
self-deception. For example, Yagi analyzed Arakawas work after
seeing a television program about the older potter. [19] Yagi had
often wondered how a contemporary potter could successfully replicate
the irregular forms of the sixteenth-century Shino tea bowls, since
"in old vessels the boundary between what is created and what
simply happens is ambiguous." He was dismayed to see that Arakawa
intentionally managed his throwing to create "the sort of irregularity
that makes pottery lovers weep." Arakawa kept insisting to
his interviewer, "It has to be natural," but Yagi perceived
that, for Arakawa, "natural" and "artful" were
not contradictory but inseparable. Yagi protested that the Living
National Treasures
have swallowed up the beauty of Mino, lets
say, or Bizen, and the criticism directed at such artists revolves
chiefly around the accuracy and skill with which they represent
that beauty. Unlike the old pottery of China, which may be said
to have an eternal objectivity, old Japanese ceramics belong to
a mental state full of irrationality. [20]
Yagi also refused to be deceived by the "natural"
mode of work represented by potters who worked under the wing of
the Folk Craft Movement. Just as Arakawa persisted in operating
a highly inefficient sixteenth-style kiln in order to fire his Shino
tea bowls, the mingei potters were obliged to adhere to expensive,
inconvenient, and outmoded processes that the leaders of the Folk
Craft Movement deemed appropriate. "Within the context of folk
craft," Yagi criticized, "the object itself has no connection
to the logic of production." [21]
Whether as sculptors, or as designers of tableware,
the Sodeisha artists strove for intellectual honesty and consistency.
Yagis appreciation for the ceramic work of Isamu Noguchi centered
on the coherence of the forming process and the final form. [22]
Form as transformed by painting was the critical issue in Picassos
ceramics:
Whenever it was that I first saw a catalogue
of Picassos ceramics, my whole body began unexpectedly to
tremble. Until then I had viewed pottery made by painters with
the eyes of a potter, but now I seemed to feel myself being examined
by that painters pottery, and I became aware of my standpoint
as a potter. The effect was not to make me reconsider the inherent
functionality of pottery. Rather, those pots wore ironic expressions
as they seemed to point out the vagueness of my grasp or interpretation
of the more fundamental nature of pottery per se. [23]
As promised in the Sodeisha manifesto, Yagi and
his colleagues were not looking for reassurance in the work of artists
who inspired them; they wanted to be challenged.
Conclusion
This essay has outlined the processes through which
Yagi Kazuo, Yamada Hikaru, and Suzuki Osamu, the founding members
of Sodeisha, created a mode of abstract ceramic sculpture that responded
to international modernist ideas within a distinctly Japanese framework.
As Yagi wrote, "We knew that we wanted to develop in Japanese
terms something that had not previously existed." [24] The
work of European and American artists such as Picasso, Klee, Miró,
and Noguchi offered hints on how to achieve this goal, but the Japanese
artists took the final responsibility on themselves.
It is instructive at this point to contrast once
again the activities of the Sodeisha artists and of Peter Voulkos
and the other Otis artists. They appear to have so much in common
even as the trajectories of their work were so different. The Japanese
artists and the American artists, although completely unknown to
one another, shared similar goals: to cut their ties to prevailing
models of ceramics, to move ahead unencumbered to make something
new. As the Japanese artists worked determinedly to free themselves
from the formalism and irrationality of traditional Japanese ceramics,
the American artists sought to break with the "formalist regime
of the European object" and "demands for perfectionist
craftsmanship." [25] Both groups looked to Picasso for new
concepts of "decorating" ceramics. [26] Both began with
a new vision for the vessel, then proceeded to the formation of
the idea of ceramic sculpture. [27]
The Sodeisha achievements reveal that avant-garde ceramic work does
not have to be large, muscular, and rough. The scale of Sodeisha
works is personal, intimate, never too big to take in at a single
glance; it maintains a comfortable relationship to the size of the
viewer. The scale of the work also relates to the size of the artists
hand and body, and thus to the capacity for meticulous workmanship.
Many other factors lie behind this concept of scale, ranging from
the appropriate size of objects made to be viewed in the display
alcove (tokonoma) of a Japanese room to the limits of space
in the cooperative kiln. Perhaps the scale relates also to the enduring
importance of the art book or journal as a source of reference and
inspiration. Yagi did a series of book forms, while numerous other
works, constructed as "walls" with two flat surfaces joined
back-to-back (such as the slip-coated Wall of 1964) or as
boxes, reveal a continuing reverence for two-dimensional graphic
forms. In the mature work of the Sodeisha artists, executed in distinctive
styles, the shift from vessel to sculptural form invites one to
contemplate the qualities of clay and glaze for their own sake,
stripped of the burdens of historical association. While postwar
ceramics in the "folk craft" and "Living National
Treasure" modes have enjoyed popularity in Japan as well as
in Europe and North America, it is the exercise of self-examination
by the Sodeisha artists that opened the way to a truly modern Japanese
statement in clay.
NOTES
| 1 |
The work of Voulkos and the "Otis
school" was known only regionally until the early 1960s.
Garth Clark, American Ceramics, 1876 to the Present,
rev. ed. (London: Booth-Clibborn Editions, 1987), p. 117. |
| 2 |
Discussion groups were also of great importance
to young American artists, including "The Club," composed
of painters whose weekly gatherings led to coining the term
"Abstract Expressionist" for their work (Kay Larson,
"The Art Was Abstract, the Memories are Concrete,"
New York Times, Sunday December 15, 2002, p. 50). |
| 3 |
Yagi Kazuo, "Watashi no jijoden (My autobiography),"
in Yagi Kazuo, Kokkoku no hono (Steady flame) (Kyoto:
Shinshindo shuppan, 1981): 15. |
| 4 |
Yagi Kazuo, "Watashi no jijoden (My autobiography),"
p. 17. |
| 5 |
Yamada Hikaru, personal communication, Kyoto,
xxx. |
| 6 |
Yagi Kazuo, "Watashi no jijoden (My autobiography),"
p. 24. |
| 7 |
Yagi Kazuo, "Watashi no jijoden (My autobiography),"
p. 56. |
| 8 |
Yagi Kazuo, "Watashi no jijoden (My autobiography),"
p.24. |
| 9 |
Yagi Kazuo, "Watashi no jijoden (My autobiography),"
p.15. |
| 10 |
Yagi Kazuo, "Tomimoto-san no koto"
(About Mr. Tomimoto), in Yagi Kazuo, Kokkoku no hono,
p.154. |
| 11 |
Yagi Kazuo, "Watashi no jijoden (My autobiography),"
pp.15-16. |
| 12 |
Kyoto Shimbun, 10 December 1951. |
| 13 |
Yagi Kazuo, "Watashi no jijoden (My autobiography),"
p.17. |
| 14 |
Yagi Kazuo, "Watashi no jijoden (My autobiography),"
p.18. |
| 15 |
Yagi was an ardent reader of Kafka, who was
also of great importance to young artists in the immediate postwar
years in the United States, as exemplified by the title of Anatole
Broyards Greenwich Village memoir, Kafka Was the Rage
(cited in Julie Salamon, "A Shoe that Fits: A Bohemian
Poets Life," NY Times Friday October 10 2003,
p. B37) . |
| 16 |
Yagi Kazuo, "Watashi no jijoden (My autobiography),"
p.15. |
| 17 |
The outcome of this purchase has not yet been
confirmed. |
| 18 |
Kyoto Shimbun, 5 February 1956. |
| 19 |
Kyoto Shimbun, 5 February 1956.
19. Yagi Kazuo, "Watashi no kobijutsu sampo (My antiques
walk)," in Yagi Kazuo, Kokkoku no hono, p. 57. |
| 20 |
Yagi Kazuo, "Rosanjin no toki ni tsuite
(Concerning Rosanjins pottery)," in Yagi Kazuo, Kokkoku
no hono, p. 172. |
| 21 |
Yagi Kazuo, "Watashi no tojishi (My ceramic
history)," in Yagi Kazuo, Kokkoku no hono, p. 37. |
| 22 |
Inui Yoshiaki, Horiuchi Masakazu, and Yagi
Kazuo, "Zadankai: bokkoki no zenei toki" (Symposium:
Formative period of avant-garde ceramics), in Yagi Kazuo, Kokkoku
no hono, p. 346. |
| 23 |
Yagi Kazuo, "Miro no toki (Mirós
pottery)," in Yagi Kazuo, Kokkoku no hono, pp. 196-97. |
| 24 |
Yagi Kazuo, "Watashi no jijoden (My autobiography),"
p.16. |
| 25 |
Garth Clark, American Ceramics, 1876 to
the Present, p. 99. |
| 26 |
Garth Clark, American Ceramics, 1876 to
the Present, p. 103. |
| 27 |
"The claim that Voulkos turned
ceramics into sculpture is, however, a misconception.
For no matter how sculptural his works became, they remained
patently part of the tradition of pottery rather of sculpture."
Garth Clark, American Ceramics, 1876 to the Present,
p. 109. |
copyright 2004, The Schein-Joseph
International Museum of Ceramic Art at Alfred University |